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People with disabilities in Lebanon are particularly vulnerable to poverty. Lebanon is one of sixteen countries that have not ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The poverty experienced by people with disabilities in Lebanon is exacerbated by the lack of comprehensive social protection programs and inadequate access to medical care. Family allowances and assistance, while real on paper, are not made available to a large portion of the population with disabilities.

We are two years into an economic crisis of massive proportions that has ruined lives, yet political leadership has so far failed to deliver. In his conversations with government officials in most ministries, the Special Rapporteur received copious amounts of details on the challenges the government faces, but very few answers regarding a long-term, coherent plan for recovery.

In addition, Lebanon has suffered historically from a lack of political will to introduce social policies, which has led to low investments in public infrastructure and in turn has left the State with a limited capacity to deliver and respond to crises.

While some of the development institutions created during these years were aimed at rebuilding the capacity of regions, this happened at the expense of redistribution among income groups. Distribution of public funds during these years did not follow socio-economic priorities, but have been rather found to correlate neatly with sectarian affiliation.

Concentration of economic power and the capture of the State by economic actors seeking to strengthen their rentiers' position have made things worse.

The links of politicians to the banking sector are particularly troubling. Connections between politicians and the private sector reach the highest levels of political power in Lebanon, contributing to inequality and harming redistribution efforts.

Given the severity of the crises and its impacts on the population, public officials, and a fortiori those in top leadership positions, should publicly disclose their income, shares, and other financial interests to combat illicit wealth and conflicts of interest.

The Central Inspection plays a critical role in ensuring oversight over and accountability of public administrations. The Central Inspection also has to submit its budget for approval each year, which represents a problematic obstacle to foreseeable funding.

The social protection system in Lebanon has considerable gaps, and is far from providing basic income security to the population. Even so, this would remain largely insufficient: it would cover at most one tenth of the population, at a time when the impoverishment process has concerned almost all the population in Lebanon, impacted both by the fall of their purchasing power and by the breakdown of public services in health, education and transport.

The take-up of the education and health components of the NPTP is considered low, with large drops between and in particular. Moreover, the targeting is problematic. A network of Social Development Centres across the country is tasked with assessing whether households claiming the NPTP benefits are in need.

However, as noted by social workers from the SDCs the Special Rapporteur spoke to, the criteria relied upon are not suited to the nature of the current crisis. The NPTP relies on a ten-year-old formula and poverty line no longer appropriate to the current scale of the problem of poverty in the country.

Households who own certain appliances or whose dwellings present certain characteristics might be excluded, although they may have lost their sources of income or although whatever income they have may have lost much of its value following the devaluation of the Lebanese lira.

Finally, many low-income households either have not been informed about the NPTP, or have lost trust in the public administration and consider that they will be denied the benefits in the absence of connections to certain political parties or influential individuals.

In al Mankoubin, Tripoli, the Special Rapporteur met with many families who could not explain why they had not received any support through this program despite being worse-off than neighbors who did benefit from it. Because the Government is aware of the insufficient level of protection provided by the NPTP, it has announced the launch of two additional programs. The entry into force of the program has been delayed for months, due in part to changes to the loan agreement that the previous government sought to impose unilaterally on the World Bank.

After final discussions between the Bank and the Government, the programme appears now close to being launched, but it appears that it will suffer from the same targeting limitations as the NPTP. Second, a ration card program is intended to provide about , vulnerable households with monthly cash transfers of an average of USD93 per family, for a total budget of USD million.

Although the Government shared its optimism that donors could support this program, it still has no confirmed source of funding, although one solution that is considered is to reduce the scope of the Bus Rapid Transit project, currently supported by a million USD grant, to dedicate a portion of this sum to the ration card program. Two major challenges should be addressed.

This is certainly an improvement on the NPTP, as the platform allows for online registration, with home visits to be performed by the World Food Programme. However, many families living in poverty will be left out, unless other, non-digital channels allow for registration to the programmes: it is entirely unrealistic to expect these families to use online tools when they barely enjoy more than a couple of hours of electricity per day and generally have no access to a computer.

Secondly, by definition, cash transfer programmes financed by donors' money are not sustainable. They are not a substitute for establishing social protection floors financed by mobilizing domestic resources.

The adoption of a National Social Protection Strategy should therefore be a top priority for the recovery of the country. Lebanon lacks a welfare system. It lacks unemployment insurance, child benefits, old-age or disability pensions, and sickness and maternity or paternity benefits. It is the only country in the MENA region which has not yet established a pension scheme for workers in the private sector, and it is one of only 16 countries worldwide that does not provide a disability pension.

In fact, the main social assistance programs have been dominated by funding from international organizations, who often hold conflicting visions for what and who these programs should prioritize. To establish social protection floors and gradually extend coverage, domestic resources should be mobilized.

Providing basic social protection is affordable. This amounts to 4. At the time of the visit, Lebanon had started discussions at the technical level with the International Monetary Fund, with a view to obtaining a Letter of Intent and to start formal negotiations for a bailout of the country.

In March , under the caretaking Diab government, a Financial Recovery Plan had been prepared, but it failed to gain approval of the Parliament, and there was no agreement as to the estimated losses from the banking sector since the foreign exchange crisis started to affect the country in This is the only equitable solution, and it is the only one that is likely to attract support within the population.

Yet, relying on donors' money to provide minimal social protection in the form of cash transfers, as done currently, is not sufficient to meet social needs; nor is it sustainable. The introduction of progressive taxation is needed. Lebanon is one of the most unequal countries in the world, with a Gini coefficient of The United Kingdom had several hung parliaments and minority governments over the course of the 20 th Century, and, following the general election of May , currently has a hung parliament and coalition Government the first formal coalition government since Canada has had hung parliaments and minority governments at the national level continuously since and on several prior occasions dating back to Australian Government, Commonwealth of Australia Gazette , no.

OpenDocument , viewed 20 December Under section 40 the Speaker has a casting vote in the event of a tied vote in the House. C Pyne, Agreement for a better parliament , 7 September , p. Under section of the Constitution and Standing Order an absolute majority is required for the passage of bills proposing to alter the Constitution ; an absolute majority is also required under Standing Order 47 to carry motions to suspend the Standing Orders that have been moved without notice.

Australia, House of Representatives, Votes and proceedings , vol. Wilson and Coles represented, respectively, the Victorian electorates of Wimmera and Henty. The third independent, Adair Blain, was, as the Northern Territory NT member, only permitted by law at the time to vote in the House on disallowance motions for NT ordinances. Menzies had resigned as Prime Minister in August The full powers, immunities and privileges possessed by state members were granted to NT members in by the Northern Territory Representation Act Cth.

The current minority government in Tasmania does not appear to involve a formal agreement constituted as such but rather the appointment of two Greens MPs as ministers on certain terms and conditions also available on the NSW Parliament website. Cross-bench reform agendas relating to minority government in several states and territories from — are discussed in G Griffith, Minority governments in Australia — accords, charters and agreements , Background Paper no.

Griffith, Minority governments in Australia — accords, charters and agreements , op. Costar and Curtin, Rebels with a cause: independents in Australian politics , op. A Paun, United we stand? Paun, United we stand? Coalition government in the UK , op.

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Australian Parliament House is currently closed to the public. Introduction The federal election resulted in the first hung Commonwealth Parliament and minority government for almost 70 years—unfamiliar territory for the House of Representatives and for the federal government. The hung Commonwealth Parliament For almost 70 years governments have held absolute majorities more than half of the seats in the House of Representatives.

Forming the minority ALP government The current seats in the House of Representatives mean that the minimum number of votes required to have an absolute majority in the House and form government is 76 votes.

The next federal election The hung Parliament and the minority Government raise the possibility of the electorate going to the polls before the next federal election would otherwise be expected. This table is based on the table at Appendix 10 of House of Representatives Practice. Note that early records and subsequent histories do not always agree on party affiliations. Australian Parliament House is currently closed to the public.

Parties and the formation of government The party or coalition of parties which has the support of the majority of Members of the House forms the government. Significant parties historically Other parties which have formed government: Protectionist Party, — Formed from elements of the Labor Party Nationalist Party, — Predecessor to the modern Liberal Party. Parties and the operation of the House of Representatives Parliamentary activity involves the parliamentary wings of the political parties—that is, the elected representatives.

Party meetings The major parties have designated party rooms in Parliament House. Party committees Both the government and the opposition parties have backbench committees to assist them in the consideration of legislative proposals and other issues of political significance.

Party whips All parties have whips whose main function is to act as administrative officers to their parliamentary parties. Parties in the Senate The system of proportional representation used to elect Senators results in more opportunity for the election of minority parties and independents.

KEY TO TABLE 1 Party strengths indicated are those after general elections and do not allow for by-elections, changes in affiliation between elections or as a result of elections declared void and recontested. In party name changed to National Country Party of Australia.

In party name changed to National Party of Australia and in to the Nationals. Revenue Tariff Party. Derived from elements of former Protectionists and Anti-Socialists.

Formed by elements of Labor Party and former Liberals. Morrison said that while the loss was not unexpected given opinion polls, his party had received a loud message from voters. Morrison pledged that his government would continue as usual — even without a majority — when Parliament returns on Monday, promising to work closely with independent lawmakers. Speaking to reporters, Phelps declined to say how she might vote should a no-confidence motion be moved in Parliament against the government, but indicated she wants the government to run its full term, which expires next May.

Phelps, a doctor and former head of the Australian Medical Association, said the result should count as a warning to lawmakers.



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